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What was the first society/civilisation which started caste system in India and when did they start, and why was it even introduced into the society? What was that benefit or advantage of this system that it spread to the whole sub-continent?
Also, it is said that in initial times caste system wasn't very rigid, and it was possible for a person to change his/her caste then when did it become so rigid that changing of caste became almost impossible?
From author's comments:
The Wikipedia article 'Caste system in India' can be a good start but does not help in knowing anything about the time when it originated and society which came up first with this system. There is a huge possibility that it must have originated in different parts of the sub-continent or even continent in different forms and then eventually everything came together but the Wikipedia link gives very little idea of anything. The only thing substantial which can be extracted from it is that there was a huge role of manusmriti book in perfecting it the way we know it today
Caste System in India
Caste system is a phenomenon related to Hinduism in particular. Its origin, evolution and existence are peculiar to India. Caste system is a system much like western concept of racism where people are discriminated against due to their skin colour similarly, in caste system, discrimination is done on the basis of birth i.e. a person’s social status is defined on the basis of his/her caste in which he/she took birth and that is the sole criterion of establishing his/her social status. In other words, on the basis of caste, it is fixed at the time of a person’s birth that whether she/he would have higher or lower status in social hierarchy.
It’s a big shame that even in a 21st century and in this age and time when human society has so progressed scientifically that people are planning to buy lands on planet Mars, Indian society believes in a system as archaic as the caste system.
There have been various social movements and notable social reformers who have all through their lives worked to abolish this discriminatory system solely based on birth. However, not much has happened on the ground. Indian Constitution also provides several provisions to secure rights of socially backward persons and there are laws too in this regard but there is lot to be done still.
In this article, we would try to understand and explore caste system in its different dimensions such as its meaning meaning of caste origin of Varna system it’s bad effects constitutional safeguards and present scenario.
Meaning of Caste
Caste which is also known as Varna or Jati can be understood as an identification on the basis of birth. It’s like a designation given to you without your asking for it. It is a hereditary system thus, a child gets the caste of his father on its birth. According to Hindu shastras, there are mainly four hereditary castes or Varnas into which the Hindu society is divided viz. Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra.
What is Caste System
Caste or Varna System is a purely Indian phenomenon and especially it is practiced among Hindus, though with time, as far as India is considered, other religions such as Islam, Sikhism, Christianity etc. also adopted some trappings of it.
As already been explained it is much like the western concept of racism, it can also be compared with the Class System of European continent. Class system is also a discriminatory system. Class system is based on many different factors such as wealth, power, prestige, ancestry or birth, religion, and occupation. Generally, class is not hereditary while caste is. But similar to the caste system, class system also differentiates or stratifies different social groups on the basis of their standing in the society.
Caste system is a unique type of class system in which the social ordering is done on the basis of birth. This type of system exists in Indian subcontinent only. Unlike class system, cast system does not allow any person to move from one caste to another. There is strict restriction on inter-dining and inter-marriage among people belonging to different castes. One of the main characteristics of caste system is Endogamy i.e. marrying into their own caste. It is very formal, rigid and well defined system.
That is why Varnas or castes are known as closed classes. It is a closed system of stratification in which almost all children end up in the same section of society as their fathers.
Origin of Caste System in India
There is no certain date when the caste system came into existence in India. But according to the Manusmriti, the caste system in India was, in the beginning, a system of prescribing codes of conduct for people to suit the requirements of their occupation. Thus, it was based on their occupation. But gradually the occupation of people became hereditary and the caste system also changed from occupation to birth and heredity. Now caste of a person got fixed at the time of his/her birth and so was his/her social status.
As far as theory of origin of caste system is concerned, the religious theory explains that according the Rig Veda, which is one of the most sacred religious texts of Hindus, different Varnas were created from different parts of the primal Purusha’s (the First Person) body the Brahmans were created from his head, the Kshatrias from his hands, the Vaishias from his thighs and the Sudras from his feet. Some theories also believe that the primal Purusha was nothing but the God Brahma himself. So according to them, different Varnas originated from lord Brahma.
Classification of Castes in Caste System
Castes were first classified according to their occupation. But due to access to wealth, power, and privilege, two of the upper castes viz Brahmins and Kshatriyas started to use religious sanctions to monopolize their position. History tells us the same that the dominant position in society was monopolized by two main upper castes.
More or less, the situation is still the same. These two upper castes are considered as superior to the lower castes. And the sanction or validity to this superiority was provided by various religious writings so that no one should question this position. Such people in position of power like to perpetuate their strategic position by means of force or ritualistic customs.
As far as social stratification is concerned, the Brahmins, generally priests and scholars, are at the top. Next strata consist of the Kshatriyas, the ruling class and soldiers. Usually, the Kshatriyas collaborated with the Brahmins as they governed over their empire. A Kshatriya is branded by physical and martial strength.
Next in the hierarchy are the Vaishyas, or merchant class. It was the duty of the Vaishyas to ensure the community’s prosperity through agriculture, cattle rearing, trade and business. The Vaishyas were considered to be weak in comparison. And they were exploited for by their rulers. The luxurious lifestyle of the ruling class and wars etc were maintained on the cost of Vaishyas.
Then there were Shudras, the lowest in four Varnas. They are labourers, peasants, artisans, and servants. Shudras were believed to not have any special abilities and were considered only capable of serving as slaves to the upper three classes. They were having no rights or privileges, and were not permitted to perform any sacrifices or homa, read or learn the Vedas or recite the mantras. They were also not allowed even to enter into the temples and to participate in any religious rituals.
These discriminatory practices against so-called Sudras are still prevalent in our society in large measure.
Apart from these four Varnas, another section was there which was considered lowest of them all. They were ‘untouchables’, the outcastes because they were not considered part of any of the said four Varnas. These ‘untouchables’ were there to perform such occupations that were considered unclean and polluting, such as scavenging and skinning dead animals. These were the most discriminated and exploited ones all the four Varnas maintained distance from them. And it was considered as sin even if a shadow of an outcaste lied on anyone.
Ills of Caste System and Constitutional Provisions
Social stratification on the basis of caste is the main reason behind various types of exploitation against so-called lower castes, especially those described as Sudras and Untouchables.
From the beginning of this system, sudras and untouchables were treated as slaves by so-called upper castes. They were allowed only to do menial works and all the lowly works but they were given no powers or privileges. All the privileges were for Brahmanas and Kshatriyas. All the leadership position in religion, polity, economy or society was assumed and taken hold off by two of the so-called upper castes their political or social influence was always minimal.
However there were various social reformers such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy who devoted their lives for the upliftment of these downtrodden people, various reform movements were there to abolish the caste system. But it was so ingrained in our social fabric that it was next to impossible to change the situation on ground.
Thus, when India got independence and the Constitution was being framed, our founding fathers were of the opinion that such provisions should be added in the text which would lessen the ills of caste system and bring about equality in social field. Social justice was one of the main objectives of our Constitution.
First of all the Preamble to the Constitution envisions India as a nation where socio-economic and political justice is there where there will be equality of status and opportunity and where dignity of the individual is secured.
The Constitution guarantees equality before law (Art. 14), and enjoins upon the State not to discriminate against any citizen on grounds of caste (Art. 15 (1)).
Untouchability is abolished and its practice in any form is forbidden (Art. 17). The Constitution mandates that no citizen shall, on grounds only of caste or race, be subjected to any disability and restriction (Art. 15 (2)).
It empowers the State to make provisions for reservation in educational institutions (Art. 15 (4) and (5)), and in appointments for posts in favour of SCs (Art. 16 (4), 16(4A), 16(4B) and Art. 335). Reservation of seats for SCs in the Lok Sabha is provided under Article 330, in the State Assemblies under Article 332 and in the Local Self-Governments bodies under Articles 243D and 340T.
Further, the Constitution guarantees protection from social injustice and all forms of exploitation (Art.46).
Acts to Prohibit Caste Discrimination
To fulfil the Constitutional mandate several other Acts were also passed the Parliament to end the exploitative and discriminatory practices against so-called lower castes. A few of those legislations are as follows:
- The Untouchability (Offences) Act, 1955, renamed as Protection of Civil Rights Act, in 1976.
- To check and deter atrocities against SCs, the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 has also been enacted.
- Recently the Government has introduced a Bill in the Lok Sabha in the name of the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and Their Rehabilitation Bill, 2013 which aims to prohibit the employment of manual scavengers, the manual cleaning of sewers and septic tanks without protective equipment, and the construction of insanitary latrines. The Bill seeks to rehabilitate manual scavengers and provide for their alternative employment.
It is another social welfare legislation whose objective is to bring manual scavengers or caste Valmikis or Bhangis in social mainstream and to protect them from various socio-cultural and economic discrimination.
Caste system in India is so rigidly deep-rooted in its socio-cultural and religious life that it now almost has God-given approval behind it. And anything against or in opposition of this system is considered to be a sin or disrespectful to God.
But in reality it is no God-send virtue to be followed by the people. It has had several exploitative and discriminatory effects on our social order throughout the ages. As a by-product, caste system has given several other social ills to the society such as Untouchability.
The system is still continuing in India as a well-established and sacred customary rule and is followed by almost everyone regardless of their economic or social status. Though the younger generation is discarding such social norms but still the system is well-entrenched in our socio-religious beliefs. India cannot become a truly modern country in the 21st century, if it fails to abolish this discriminatory practice based on caste.
The biggest problem in abolishing and removing this menace from the society is the in general social acceptability of the same. Until and unless this changes no hope is there. Because law can provide protection from exploitation but it cannot bring attitudinal change in so-called upper castes. The young and modern generation is perhaps the only hope in bringing about the real meaning of social justice in our country.
Varna, jāti and caste
Varna literally means type, order, colour or class   and was a framework for grouping people into classes, first used in Vedic Indian society. It is referred to frequently in the ancient Indian texts.  The four classes were the Brahmins (priestly people), the Kshatriyas (also called Rajanyas, who were rulers, administrators and warriors), the Vaishyas (artisans, merchants, tradesmen and farmers), and Shudras (labouring classes).  The varna categorisation implicitly had a fifth element, being those people deemed to be entirely outside its scope, such as tribal people and the untouchables. 
Jati, meaning birth,  is mentioned much less often in ancient texts, where it is clearly distinguished from varna. There are four varnas but thousands of jatis.  The jatis are complex social groups that lack universally applicable definition or characteristic, and have been more flexible and diverse than was previously often assumed. 
Certain scholars [ which? ] of caste have considered jati to have its basis in religion, assuming that in India the sacred elements of life envelop the secular aspects for example, the anthropologist Louis Dumont described the ritual rankings that exist within the jati system as being based on the concepts of religious purity and pollution. This view has been disputed by other scholars, who believe it to be a secular social phenomenon driven by the necessities of economics, politics, and sometimes also geography.     Jeaneane Fowler says that although some people consider jati to be occupational segregation, in reality the jati framework does not preclude or prevent a member of one caste from working in another occupation.  A feature of jatis has been endogamy, in Susan Bayly's words, that "both in the past and for many though not all Indians in more modern times, those born into a given caste would normally expect to find marriage partner" within his or her jati.  
Jatis have existed in India among Hindus, Muslims, Christians and tribal people, and there is no clear linear order among them. 
The term caste is not originally an Indian word, though it is now widely used, both in English and in Indian languages. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, it is derived from the Portuguese casta, meaning "race, lineage, breed" and, originally, "'pure or unmixed (stock or breed)".  There is no exact translation in Indian languages, but varna and jati are the two most approximate terms. 
Ghurye's 1932 opinion
The sociologist G. S. Ghurye wrote in 1932 that, despite much study by many people,
we do not possess a real general definition of caste. It appears to me that any attempt at definition is bound to fail because of the complexity of the phenomenon. On the other hand, much literature on the subject is marred by lack of precision about the use of the term. 
Ghurye offered what he thought was a definition that could be applied across India, although he acknowledged that there were regional variations on the general theme. His model definition for caste included the following six characteristics: 
- Segmentation of society into groups whose membership was determined by birth. 
- A hierarchical system wherein generally the Brahmins were at the head of the hierarchy, but this hierarchy was disputed in some cases. In various linguistic areas, hundreds of castes had a gradation generally acknowledged by everyone. 
- Restrictions on feeding and social intercourse, with minute rules on the kind of food and drink that upper castes could accept from lower castes. There was a great diversity in these rules, and lower castes generally accepted food from upper castes. 
- Segregation, where individual castes lived together, the dominant caste living in the center and other castes living on the periphery.  There were restrictions on the use of water wells or streets by one caste on another: an upper-caste Brahmin might not be permitted to use the street of a lower-caste group, while a caste considered impure might not be permitted to draw water from a well used by members of other castes. 
- Occupation, generally inherited.  Lack of unrestricted choice of profession, caste members restricted their own members from taking up certain professions they considered degrading. This characteristic of caste was missing from large parts of India, stated Ghurye, and in these regions all four castes (Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras) did agriculture labour or became warriors in large numbers.  , restrictions on marrying a person outside caste, but in some situations hypergamy allowed.  Far less rigidity on inter-marriage between different sub-castes than between members of different castes in some regions, while in some endogamy within a sub-caste was the principal feature of caste-society. 
The above Ghurye's model of caste thereafter attracted scholarly criticism   for relying on the census reports produced by the colonial government,   the "superior, inferior" racist theories of H. H. Risley,  and for fitting his definition to then prevalent orientalist perspectives on caste.   
Ghurye added, in 1932, that the colonial construction of caste led to the livening up, divisions and lobbying to the British officials for favourable caste classification in India for economic opportunities, and this had added new complexities to the concept of caste.   Graham Chapman and others have reiterated the complexity, and they note that there are differences between theoretical constructs and the practical reality. 
Modern perspective on definition
Ronald Inden, the Indologist, agrees that there has been no universally accepted definition. For example, for some early European documenters it was thought to correspond with the endogamous varnas referred to in ancient Indian scripts, and its meaning corresponds in the sense of estates. To later Europeans of the Raj era it was endogamous jatis, rather than varnas, that represented caste, such as the 2378 jatis that colonial administrators classified by occupation in the early 20th century. 
Arvind Sharma, a professor of comparative religion, notes that caste has been used synonymously to refer to both varna and jati but that "serious Indologists now observe considerable caution in this respect" because, while related, the concepts are considered to be distinct.  In this he agrees with the Indologist Arthur Basham, who noted that the Portuguese colonists of India used casta to describe
. tribes, clans or families. The name stuck and became the usual word for the Hindu social group. In attempting to account for the remarkable proliferation of castes in 18th- and 19th-century India, authorities credulously accepted the traditional view that by a process of intermarriage and subdivision the 3,000 or more castes of modern India had evolved from the four primitive classes, and the term 'caste' was applied indiscriminately to both varna or class, and jati or caste proper. This is a false terminology castes rise and fall in the social scale, and old castes die out and new ones are formed, but the four great classes are stable. There are never more or less than four and for over 2,000 years their order of precedence has not altered." 
The sociologist Andre Beteille notes that, while varna mainly played the role of caste in classical Hindu literature, it is jati that plays that role in present times. Varna represents a closed collection of social orders whereas jati is entirely open-ended, thought of as a "natural kind whose members share a common substance." Any number of new jatis can be added depending on need, such as tribes, sects, denominations, religious or linguistic minorities and nationalities. Thus, "Caste" is not an accurate representation of jati in English. Better terms would be ethnicity, ethnic identity and ethnic group. 
Sociologist Anne Waldrop observes that while outsiders view the term caste as a static phenomenon of stereotypical tradition-bound India, empirical facts suggest caste has been a radically changing feature. The term means different things to different Indians. In the context of politically active modern India, where job and school quotas are reserved for affirmative action based on castes, the term has become a sensitive and controversial subject. 
Sociologists such as M. N. Srinivas and Damle have debated the question of rigidity in caste and believe that there is considerable flexibility and mobility in the caste hierarchies.  
There are at least two perspectives for the origins of the caste system in ancient and medieval India, which focus on either ideological factors or on socio-economic factors.
- The first school focuses on the ideological factors which are claimed to drive the caste system and holds that caste is rooted in the four varnas. This perspective was particularly common among scholars during the British colonial era and was articulated by Dumont, who concluded that the system was ideologically perfected several thousand years ago and has remained the primary social reality ever since. This school justifies its theory primarily by citing the ancient law book Manusmriti and disregards economic, political or historical evidence. 
- The second school of thought focuses on socioeconomic factors and claims that those factors drive the caste system. It believes caste to be rooted in the economic, political and material history of India.  This school, which is common among scholars of the post-colonial era such as Berreman, Marriott, and Dirks, describes the caste system as an ever-evolving social reality that can only be properly understood by the study of historical evidence of actual practice and the examination of verifiable circumstances in the economic, political and material history of India.  This school has focused on the historical evidence from ancient and medieval society in India, during the Muslim rule between the 12th and 18th centuries, and the policies of the British colonial government from 18th century to the mid-20th century. 
The first school has focused on religious anthropology and disregarded other historical evidence as secondary to or derivative of this tradition.  The second school has focused on sociological evidence and sought to understand the historical circumstances.  The latter has criticised the former for its caste origin theory, claiming that it has dehistoricised and decontextualised Indian society.  
Ritual kingship model
According to Samuel, referencing George L. Hart, central aspects of the later Indian caste system may originate from the ritual kingship system prior to the arrival of Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism in India. The system is seen in the South Indian Tamil literature from the Sangam period, dated to the third to sixth centuries CE. This theory discards the Indo-Aryan varna model as the basis of caste, and is centred on the ritual power of the king, who was "supported by a group of ritual and magical specialists of low social status," with their ritual occupations being considered 'polluted'. According to Hart, it may be this model that provided the concerns with "pollution" of the members of low status groups. The Hart model for caste origin, writes Samuel, envisions "the ancient Indian society consisting of a majority without internal caste divisions and a minority consisting of a number of small occupationally polluted groups". 
The varnas originated in Vedic society (c. 1500–500 BCE). The first three groups, Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishya, have parallels with other Indo-European societies, while the addition of the Shudras is probably a Brahmanical invention from northern India. 
The varna system is propounded in revered Hindu religious texts, and understood as idealised human callings.   The Purusha Sukta of the Rigveda and Manusmriti ' s comment on it, being the oft-cited texts.  Counter to these textual classifications, many revered Hindu texts and doctrines question and disagree with this system of social classification. 
Scholars have questioned the varna verse in the Rigveda, noting that the varna therein is mentioned only once. The Purusha Sukta verse is now generally considered to have been inserted at a later date into the Rigveda, probably as a charter myth. Stephanie Jamison and Joel Brereton, professors of Sanskrit and Religious studies, state, "there is no evidence in the Rigveda for an elaborate, much-subdivided and overarching caste system", and "the varna system seems to be embryonic in the Rigveda and, both then and later, a social ideal rather than a social reality".  In contrast to the lack of details about varna system in the Rigveda, the Manusmriti includes an extensive and highly schematic commentary on the varna system, but it too provides "models rather than descriptions".  Susan Bayly summarises that Manusmriti and other scriptures helped elevate Brahmins in the social hierarchy and these were a factor in the making of the varna system, but the ancient texts did not in some way "create the phenomenon of caste" in India. 
Jeaneane Fowler, a professor of philosophy and religious studies, states that it is impossible to determine how and why the jatis came in existence.  Susan Bayly, on the other hand, states that jati system emerged because it offered a source of advantage in an era of pre-Independence poverty, lack of institutional human rights, volatile political environment, and economic insecurity.  [ clarification needed ]
According to social anthropologist Dipankar Gupta, guilds developed during the Mauryan period and crystallised into jatis  in post-Mauryan times with the emergence of feudalism in India, which finally crystallised during the 7th–12th centuries.  However, other scholars dispute when and how jatis developed in Indian history. Barbara Metcalf and Thomas Metcalf, both professors of History, write, "One of the surprising arguments of fresh scholarship, based on inscriptional and other contemporaneous evidence, is that until relatively recent centuries, social organisation in much of the subcontinent was little touched by the four varnas. Nor were jati the building blocks of society." 
According to Basham, ancient Indian literature refers often to varnas, but hardly if ever to jatis as a system of groups within the varnas. He concludes that "If caste is defined as a system of group within the class, which are normally endogamous, commensal and craft-exclusive, we have no real evidence of its existence until comparatively late times." 
Untouchable outcastes and the varna system
The Vedic texts neither mention the concept of untouchable people nor any practice of untouchability. The rituals in the Vedas ask the noble or king to eat with the commoner from the same vessel. Later Vedic texts ridicule some professions, but the concept of untouchability is not found in them.  
The post-Vedic texts, particularly Manusmriti mentions outcastes and suggests that they be ostracised. Recent scholarship states that the discussion of outcastes in post-Vedic texts is different from the system widely discussed in colonial era Indian literature, and in Dumont's structural theory on caste system in India. Patrick Olivelle, a professor of Sanskrit and Indian Religions and credited with modern translations of Vedic literature, Dharma-sutras and Dharma-sastras, states that ancient and medieval Indian texts do not support the ritual pollution, purity-impurity premise implicit in the Dumont theory. According to Olivelle, purity-impurity is discussed in the Dharma-sastra texts, but only in the context of the individual's moral, ritual and biological pollution (eating certain kinds of food such as meat, going to bathroom). Olivelle writes in his review of post-Vedic Sutra and Shastra texts, "we see no instance when a term of pure/impure is used with reference to a group of individuals or a varna or caste". The only mention of impurity in the Shastra texts from the 1st millennium is about people who commit grievous sins and thereby fall out of their varna. These, writes Olivelle, are called "fallen people" and considered impure in the medieval Indian texts. The texts declare that these sinful, fallen people be ostracised.  Olivelle adds that the overwhelming focus in matters relating to purity/impurity in the Dharma-sastra texts concerns "individuals irrespective of their varna affiliation" and all four varnas could attain purity or impurity by the content of their character, ethical intent, actions, innocence or ignorance (acts by children), stipulations, and ritualistic behaviours. 
Dumont, in his later publications, acknowledged that ancient varna hierarchy was not based on purity-impurity ranking principle, and that the Vedic literature is devoid of the untouchability concept. 
Vedic period (1500–1000 BCE)
During the time of the Rigveda, there were two varnas: arya varna and dasa varna. The distinction originally arose from tribal divisions. The Vedic tribes regarded themselves as arya (the noble ones) and the rival tribes were called dasa, dasyu and pani. The dasas were frequent allies of the Aryan tribes, and they were probably assimilated into the Aryan society, giving rise to a class distinction.  Many dasas were however in a servile position, giving rise to the eventual meaning of dasa as servant or slave. 
The Rigvedic society was not distinguished by occupations. Many husbandmen and artisans practised a number of crafts. The chariot-maker (rathakara) and metal worker (karmara) enjoyed positions of importance and no stigma was attached to them. Similar observations hold for carpenters, tanners, weavers and others. 
Towards the end of the Atharvaveda period, new class distinctions emerged. The erstwhile dasas are renamed Shudras, probably to distinguish them from the new meaning of dasa as slave. The aryas are renamed vis or Vaishya (meaning the members of the tribe) and the new elite classes of Brahmins (priests) and Kshatriyas (warriors) are designated as new varnas. The Shudras were not only the erstwhile dasas but also included the aboriginal tribes that were assimilated into the Aryan society as it expanded into Gangetic settlements.  There is no evidence of restrictions regarding food and marriage during the Vedic period. 
Later Vedic period (1000–600 BCE)
In an early Upanishad, Shudra is referred to as Pūşan or nourisher, suggesting that Shudras were the tillers of the soil.  But soon afterwards, Shudras are not counted among the tax-payers and they are said to be given away along with the lands when it is gifted.  The majority of the artisans were also reduced to the position of Shudras, but there is no contempt indicated for their work.  The Brahmins and the Kshatriyas are given a special position in the rituals, distinguishing them from both the Vaishyas and the Shudras.  The Vaishya is said to be "oppressed at will" and the Shudra "beaten at will." 
Second urbanisation (500–200 BCE)
Our knowledge of this period is supplemented by Pali Buddhist texts. Whereas the Brahmanical texts speak of the four-fold varna system, the Buddhist texts present an alternative picture of the society, stratified along the lines of jati, kula and occupation. It is likely that the varna system, while being a part of the Brahmanical ideology, was not practically operative in the society.  In the Buddhist texts, Brahmin and Kshatriya are described as jatis rather than varnas. They were in fact the jatis of high rank. The jatis of low rank were mentioned as chandala and occupational classes like bamboo weavers, hunters, chariot-makers and sweepers. The concept of kulas was broadly similar. Along with Brahmins and Kshatriyas, a class called gahapatis (literally householders, but effectively propertied classes) was also included among high kulas.  The people of high kulas were engaged in occupations of high rank, viz., agriculture, trade, cattle-keeping, computing, accounting and writing, and those of low kulas were engaged in low-ranked occupations such as basket-weaving and sweeping. The gahapatis were an economic class of land-holding agriculturists, who employed dasa-kammakaras (slaves and hired labourers) to work on the land. The gahapatis were the primary taxpayers of the state. This class was apparently not defined by birth, but by individual economic growth. 
While there was an alignment between kulas and occupations at least at the high and low ends, there was no strict linkage between class/caste and occupation, especially among those in the middle range. Many occupations listed such as accounting and writing were not linked to jatis.  Peter Masefield, in his review of caste in India, states that anyone could in principle perform any profession. The texts state that the Brahmin took food from anyone, suggesting that strictures of commensality were as yet unknown.  The Nikaya texts also imply that endogamy was not mandated. 
Jain sources indicate that profession based caste system was an integral part of Jain community during the times of Parshvanatha in 8th century BCE. Jain text in Prakrit language state: 
"Kammuņā bambhaņo hoi, kammuņā joi khattiyo, kamunā vaiso hoi, suddo havai kammunā."
"It is by karma that one is brāhmaņa, it is by karma that one is kşatriya, it is by karma that one is vaiśya, it is by karma that one is śudra."
Mahavira, the 24th tirthankara introduced radical reforms in the social structure. He proclaimed complete dissolution of all the four varnas and called it obsolete. He stressed on equal treatment for all human beings. He discouraged classification of people on basis of birth, race and nationality.  
Uttaradhyayana Sutra, one of the most important Jain texts state: 
Warriors, ugra, gana, princes, brāhmaņas, bhogikas-chieftains and artisans of all sorts, he who does not utter a word in praise of all these and abstains from all of them, he is a true follower of the Jina.
The contestations of the period are also evident from the texts describing dialogues of Buddha with the Brahmins. The Brahmins maintain their divinely ordained superiority and assert their right to draw service from the lower orders. Buddha responds by pointing out the basic facts of biological birth common to all men and asserts that the ability to draw service is obtained economically, not by divine right. Using the example of the northwest of the subcontinent, Buddha points out that aryas could become dasas and vice versa. This form of social mobility was endorsed by Buddha. 
Classical period (320–650 CE)
The Mahabharata, whose final version is estimated to have been completed by the end of the fourth century, discusses the varna system in section 12.181, presenting two models. The first model describes varna as a colour-based system, through a character named Bhrigu, "Brahmins varna was white, Kshatriyas was red, Vaishyas was yellow, and the Shudras' black". This description is questioned by Bharadvaja who says that colors are seen among all the varnas, that desire, anger, fear, greed, grief, anxiety, hunger and toil prevails over all human beings, that bile and blood flow from all human bodies, so what distinguishes the varnas, he asks. The Mahabharata then declares, "There is no distinction of varnas. This whole universe is Brahman. It was created formerly by Brahma, came to be classified by acts."  The epic then recites a behavioural model for varna, that those who were inclined to anger, pleasures and boldness attained the Kshatriya varna those who were inclined to cattle rearing and living off the plough attained the Vaishya varna those who were fond of violence, covetousness and impurity attained the Shudra varna. The Brahmin class is modeled in the epic as the archetype default state of man dedicated to truth, austerity and pure conduct.  In the Mahabharata and pre-medieval era Hindu texts, according to Hiltebeitel, "it is important to recognise, in theory, varna is nongenealogical. The four varnas are not lineages, but categories". 
Adi Purana, an 8th-century text of Jainism by Jinasena, is the first mention of varna and jati in Jain literature.  Jinasena does not trace the origin of varna system to Rigveda or to Purusha, but to the Bharata legend. According to this legend, Bharata performed an "ahimsa-test" (test of non-violence), and during that test all those who refused to harm any living beings were called as the priestly varna in ancient India, and Bharata called them dvija, twice born.  Jinasena states that those who are committed to the principle of non-harming and non-violence to all living beings are deva-Brahmaṇas, divine Brahmins.  The text Adipurana also discusses the relationship between varna and jati. According to Padmanabh Jaini, a professor of Indic studies, in Jainism and Buddhism, the Adi Purana text states "there is only one jati called manusyajati or the human caste, but divisions arise on account of their different professions".  The caste of Kshatriya arose, according to Jainism texts, when Rishabha procured weapons to serve the society and assumed the powers of a king, while Vaishya and Shudra castes arose from different means of livelihood they specialised in. 
Late classical and early medieval period (650 to 1400 CE)
Scholars have tried to locate historical evidence for the existence and nature of varna and jati in documents and inscriptions of medieval India. Supporting evidence for the existence of varna and jati systems in medieval India has been elusive, and contradicting evidence has emerged.  
Varna is rarely mentioned in the extensive medieval era records of Andhra Pradesh, for example. This has led Cynthia Talbot, a professor of History and Asian Studies, to question whether varna was socially significant in the daily lives of this region. Most mentions of varna in the Andhra inscriptions come from Brahmins. Two rare temple donor records from warrior families of the 14th century claim to be Shudras. One states that Shudras are the bravest, the other states that Shudras are the purest.  Richard Eaton, a professor of History, writes, "anyone could become warrior regardless of social origins, nor do the jati—another pillar of alleged traditional Indian society—appear as features of people's identity. Occupations were fluid." Evidence shows, according to Eaton, that Shudras were part of the nobility, and many "father and sons had different professions, suggesting that social status was earned, not inherited" in the Hindu Kakatiya population in the Deccan region between the 11th and 14th centuries. 
In Tamil Nadu region of India, studied by Leslie Orr, a professor of Religion, "Chola period inscriptions challenge our ideas about the structuring of (south Indian) society in general. In contrast to what Brahmanical legal texts may lead us to expect, we do not find that caste is the organising principle of society or that boundaries between different social groups is sharply demarcated."  In Tamil Nadu the Vellalar were during ancient and medieval period the elite caste who were major patrons of literature.   
For northern Indian region, Susan Bayly writes, "until well into the colonial period, much of the subcontinent was still populated by people for whom the formal distinctions of caste were of only limited importance Even in parts of the so-called Hindu heartland of Gangetic upper India, the institutions and beliefs which are now often described as the elements of traditional caste were only just taking shape as recently as the early eighteenth century—that is the period of collapse of Mughal period and the expansion of western power in the subcontinent." 
For western India, Dirk H. A. Kolff suggests open status social groups dominated Rajput history during the medieval period. He states, "The omnipresence of cognatic kinship and caste in North India is a relatively new phenomenon that only became dominant in the early Mughal and British periods respectively. Historically speaking, the alliance and the open status group, whether war band or religious sect, dominated medieval and early modern Indian history in a way descent and caste did not." 
Medieval era, Islamic Sultanates and Mughal empire period (1000 to 1750)
Early and mid 20th century Muslim historians, such as Hashimi in 1927 and Qureshi in 1962, proposed that "caste system was established before the arrival of Islam", and it and "a nomadic savage lifestyle" in the northwest Indian subcontinent were the primary cause why Sindhi non-Muslims "embraced Islam in flocks" when Arab Muslim armies invaded the region.  According to this hypothesis, the mass conversions occurred from the lower caste Hindus and Mahayana Buddhists who had become "corroded from within by the infiltration of Hindu beliefs and practices". This theory is now widely believed to be baseless and false.  
Derryl MacLein, a professor of social history and Islamic studies, states that historical evidence does not support this theory, whatever evidence is available suggests that Muslim institutions in north-west India legitimised and continued any inequalities that existed, and that neither Buddhists nor "lower caste" Hindus converted to Islam because they viewed Islam to lack a caste system.  Conversions to Islam were rare, states MacLein, and conversions attested by historical evidence confirms that the few who did convert were Brahmin Hindus (theoretically, the upper caste).  MacLein states the caste and conversion theories about Indian society during the Islamic era are not based on historical evidence or verifiable sources, but personal assumptions of Muslim historians about the nature of Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism in northwest Indian subcontinent. 
Richard Eaton, a professor of History, states that the presumption of a rigid Hindu caste system and oppression of lower castes in pre-Islamic era in India, and it being the cause of "mass conversion to Islam" during the medieval era suffers from the problem that "no evidence can be found in support of the theory, and it is profoundly illogical". 
Peter Jackson, a professor of Medieval History and Muslim India, writes that the speculative hypotheses about caste system in Hindu states during the medieval Delhi Sultanate period (
1200 to 1500) and the existence of a caste system as being responsible for Hindu weakness in resisting the plunder by Islamic armies is appealing at first sight, but "they do not withstand closer scrutiny and historical evidence".  Jackson states that, contrary to the theoretical model of caste where Kshatriyas only could be warriors and soldiers, historical evidence confirms that Hindu warriors and soldiers during the medieval era included other castes such as Vaishyas and Shudras.  Further, there is no evidence, writes Jackson, that there ever was a "widespread conversion to Islam at the turn of twelfth century" by Hindus of lower caste.  Jamal Malik, a professor of Islamic studies, extends this observation further, and states that "at no time in history did Hindus of low caste convert en masse to Islam". 
Jamal Malik states that caste as a social stratification is a well-studied Indian system, yet evidence also suggests that hierarchical concepts, class consciousness and social stratification had already occurred in Islam before Islam arrived in India.  The concept of caste, or 'qaum' in Islamic literature, is mentioned by a few Islamic historians of medieval India, states Malik, but these mentions relate to the fragmentation of the Muslim society in India.  Zia al-Din al-Barani of Delhi Sultanate in his Fatawa-ye Jahandari and Abu al-Fadl from Akbar's court of Mughal Empire are the few Islamic court historians who mention caste. Zia al-Din al-Barani's discussion, however, is not about non-Muslim castes, rather a declaration of the supremacy of Ashraf caste over Ardhal caste among the Muslims, justifying it in Quranic text, with "aristocratic birth and superior genealogy being the most important traits of a human".  
Irfan Habib, an Indian historian, states that Abu al-Fazl's Ain-i Akbari provides a historical record and census of the Jat peasant caste of Hindus in northern India, where the tax-collecting noble classes (Zamindars), the armed cavalry and infantry (warrior class) doubling up as the farming peasants (working class), were all of the same Jat caste in the 16th century. These occupationally diverse members from one caste served each other, writes Habib, either because of their reaction to taxation pressure of Muslim rulers or because they belonged to the same caste.  Peasant social stratification and caste lineages were, states Habib, tools for tax revenue collection in areas under the Islamic rule. 
The origin of caste system of modern form, in the Bengal region of India, may be traceable to this period, states Richard Eaton.  The medieval era Islamic Sultanates in India utilised social stratification to rule and collect tax revenue from non-Muslims.  Eaton states that, "Looking at Bengal's Hindu society as a whole, it seems likely that the caste system—far from being the ancient and unchanging essence of Indian civilisation as supposed by generations of Orientalists—emerged into something resembling its modern form only in the period 1200–1500". 
Later-Mughal period (1700 to 1850)
Susan Bayly, an anthropologist, notes that "caste is not and never has been a fixed fact of Indian life" and the caste system as we know it today, as a "ritualised scheme of social stratification," developed in two stages during the post-Mughal period, in 18th and early 19th century. Three sets of value played an important role in this development: priestly hierarchy, kingship, and armed ascetics. 
With the Islamic Mughal empire falling apart in the 18th century, regional post-Mughal ruling elites and new dynasties from diverse religious, geographical and linguistic background attempted to assert their power in different parts of India.  Bayly states that these obscure post-Mughal elites associated themselves with kings, priests and ascetics, deploying the symbols of caste and kinship to divide their populace and consolidate their power. In addition, in this fluid stateless environment, some of the previously casteless segments of society grouped themselves into caste groups.  However, in 18th century writes Bayly, India-wide networks of merchants, armed ascetics and armed tribal people often ignored these ideologies of caste.  Most people did not treat caste norms as given absolutes writes Bayly, but challenged, negotiated and adapted these norms to their circumstances. Communities teamed in different regions of India, into "collective classing" to mold the social stratification in order to maximise assets and protect themselves from loss.  The "caste, class, community" structure that formed became valuable in a time when state apparatus was fragmenting, was unreliable and fluid, when rights and life were unpredictable. 
In this environment, states Rosalind O'Hanlon, a professor of Indian history, the newly arrived East India Company colonial officials, attempted to gain commercial interests in India by balancing Hindu and Muslim conflicting interests, and by aligning with regional rulers and large assemblies of military monks. The East India Company officials adopted constitutional laws segregated by religion and caste.  The legal code and colonial administrative practice was largely divided into Muslim law and Hindu law, the latter including laws for Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs. In this transitory phase, Brahmins together with scribes, ascetics and merchants who accepted Hindu social and spiritual codes, became the deferred-to-authority on Hindu texts, law and administration of Hindu matters.  [a]
While legal codes and state administration were emerging in India, with the rising power of the European powers, Dirks states that the late 18th-century British writings on India say little about caste system in India, and predominantly discuss territorial conquest, alliances, warfare and diplomacy in India.  Colin Mackenzie, a British social historian of this time, collected vast numbers of texts on Indian religions, culture, traditions and local histories from south India and Deccan region, but his collection and writings have very little on caste system in 18th-century India. 
During British rule (1857 to 1947)
Although the varnas and jatis have pre-modern origins, the caste system as it exists today is the result of developments during the post-Mughal period and the British colonial period, which made caste organisation a central mechanism of administration.   
Jati were the basis of caste ethnology during the British colonial era. In the 1881 census and thereafter, colonial ethnographers used caste (jati) headings, to count and classify people in what was then British India (now India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Burma).  The 1891 census included 60 sub-groups each subdivided into six occupational and racial categories, and the number increased in subsequent censuses.  The colonial era census caste tables, states Susan Bayly, "ranked, standardised and cross-referenced jati listings for Indians on principles similar to zoology and botanical classifications, aiming to establish who was superior to whom by virtue of their supposed purity, occupational origins and collective moral worth". While bureaucratic colonial officials completed reports on their zoological classification of Indian people, some British officials criticised these exercises as being little more than a caricature of the reality of caste system in India. The colonial officials used the census-determined jatis to decide which group of people were qualified for which jobs in the colonial government, and people of which jatis were to be excluded as unreliable.  These census caste classifications, states Gloria Raheja, a professor of Anthropology, were also used by colonial officials over the late 19th century and early 20th century, to formulate land tax rates, as well as to frequently target some social groups as "criminal" castes and castes prone to "rebellion". 
The population then comprised about 200 million people, across five major religions, and over 500,000 agrarian villages, each with a population between 100 and 1,000 people of various age groups, which were variously divided into numerous castes. This ideological scheme was theoretically composed of around 3,000 castes, which in turn was claimed to be composed of 90,000 local endogamous sub-groups.    
The strict British class system may have influenced the British preoccupation with the Indian caste system as well as the British perception of pre-colonial Indian castes. British society's own similarly rigid class system provided the British with a template for understanding Indian society and castes.  The British, coming from a society rigidly divided by class, attempted to equate India's castes with British social classes.   According to David Cannadine, Indian castes merged with the traditional British class system during the British Raj.  
Colonial administrator Herbert Hope Risley, an exponent of race science, used the ratio of the width of a nose to its height to divide Indians into Aryan and Dravidian races, as well as seven castes. 
Jobs for forward castes
The role of the British Raj on the caste system in India is controversial.  The caste system became legally rigid during the Raj, when the British started to enumerate castes during their ten-year census and meticulously codified the system.   Between 1860 and 1920, the British formulated the caste system into their system of governance, granting administrative jobs and senior appointments only to the upper castes. 
Targeting criminal castes and their isolation
Starting with the 19th century, the British colonial government passed a series of laws that applied to Indians based on their religion and caste identification.    These colonial era laws and their provisions used the term "Tribes", which included castes within their scope. This terminology was preferred for various reasons, including Muslim sensitivities that considered castes by definition Hindu, and preferred Tribes, a more generic term that included Muslims. 
The British colonial government, for instance, enacted the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871. This law declared that all those who belonged to certain castes were born with criminal tendencies.  Ramnarayan Rawat, a professor of History and specialising in social exclusion in Indian subcontinent, states that the criminal-by-birth castes under this Act included initially Ahirs, Gurjars and Jats, but its enforcement expanded by the late 19th century to include most Shudras and untouchables, such as Chamars,  as well as Sannyasis and hill tribes.  Castes suspected of rebelling against colonial laws and seeking self-rule for India, such as the previously ruling families Kallars and the Maravars in south India and non-loyal castes in north India such as Ahirs, Gurjars and Jats, were called "predatory and barbarian" and added to the criminal castes list.   Some caste groups were targeted using the Criminal Tribes Act even when there were no reports of any violence or criminal activity, but where their forefathers were known to have rebelled against Mughal or British authorities,   or these castes were demanding labour rights and disrupting colonial tax collecting authorities. 
The colonial government prepared a list of criminal castes, and all members registered in these castes by caste-census were restricted in terms of regions they could visit, move about in or people with whom they could socialise.  In certain regions of colonial India, entire caste groups were presumed guilty by birth, arrested, children separated from their parents, and held in penal colonies or quarantined without conviction or due process.    This practice became controversial, did not enjoy the support of all British colonial officials, and in a few cases this decades-long practice was reversed at the start of the 20th century with the proclamation that people "could not be incarcerated indefinitely on the presumption of [inherited] bad character".  The criminal-by-birth laws against targeted castes was enforced until the mid-20th century, with an expansion of criminal castes list in west and south India through the 1900s to 1930s.   Hundreds of Hindu communities were brought under the Criminal Tribes Act. By 1931, the colonial government included 237 criminal castes and tribes under the act in the Madras Presidency alone. 
While the notion of hereditary criminals conformed to orientalist stereotypes and the prevailing racial theories during the colonial era, the social impact of its enforcement was profiling, division and isolation of many communities of Hindus as criminals-by-birth.    [b]
Religion and caste segregated human rights
Eleanor Nesbitt, a professor of History and Religions in India, states that the colonial government hardened the caste-driven divisions in India not only through its caste census, but with a series of laws in early 20th century.   Colonial officials, for instance, enacted laws such as the Land Alienation Act in 1900 and Punjab Pre-Emption Act in 1913, listing castes that could legally own land and denying equivalent property rights to other census-determined castes. These acts prohibited the inter-generational and intra-generational transfer of land from land-owning castes to any non-agricultural castes, thereby preventing economic mobility of property and creating consequent caste barriers in India.  
Khushwant Singh a Sikh historian, and Tony Ballantyne a professor of History, state that these colonial-era laws helped create and erect barriers within land-owning and landless castes in northwest India.   Caste-based discrimination and denial of human rights by the colonial state had similar impact elsewhere in India.   
Nicholas Dirks has argued that Indian caste as we know it today is a "modern phenomenon," [c] as caste was "fundamentally transformed by British colonial rule." [d] According to Dirks, before colonial rule caste affiliation was quite loose and fluid, but colonial rule enforced caste affiliation rigorously, and constructed a much more strict hierarchy than existed previously, with some castes being criminalised and others being given preferential treatment.  
De Zwart notes that the caste system used to be thought of as an ancient fact of Hindu life and that contemporary scholars argue instead that the system was constructed by the colonial authorities. He says that "jobs and education opportunities were allotted based on caste, and people rallied and adopted a caste system that maximized their opportunity". De Zwart also notes that post-colonial affirmative action only reinforced the "British colonial project that ex hypothesi constructed the caste system". 
Sweetman notes that the European conception of caste dismissed former political configurations and insisted upon an "essentially religious character" of India. During the colonial period, caste was defined as a religious system and was divorced from political powers. This made it possible for the colonial rulers to portray India as a society characterised by spiritual harmony in contrast to the former Indian states which they criticised as "despotic and epiphenomenal",  [e] with the colonial powers providing the necessary "benevolent, paternalistic rule by a more 'advanced' nation". 
Assumptions about the caste system in Indian society, along with its nature, evolved during colonial rule.  [f] Corbridge concludes that British policies towards of India's numerous princely sovereign states, as well as enumeration of the population into rigid categories during the 10-year census, particularly with the 1901 and 1911 census, contributed towards the hardening of caste identities. 
Social unrest during 1920s led to a change in this policy.  From then on, the colonial administration began a policy of positive discrimination by reserving a certain percentage of government jobs for the lower castes. 
In the round table conference held on August 1932, upon the request of Ambedkar, the then Prime Minister of Britain, Ramsay MacDonald made a Communal Award which awarded a provision for separate representation for the Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Anglo-Indians, Europeans and Dalits. These depressed classes were assigned a number of seats to be filled by election from special constituencies in which voters belonging to the depressed classes only could vote. Gandhi went on a hunger strike against this provision claiming that such an arrangement would split the Hindu community into two groups. Years later, Ambedkar wrote that Gandhi's fast was a form of coercion.  This agreement, which saw Gandhi end his fast and Ambedkar drop his demand for a separate electorate, was called the Poona Pact. 
After India achieved independence, the policy of caste-based reservation of jobs was formalised with lists of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
Other theories and observations
Smelser and Lipset propose in their review of Hutton's study of caste system in colonial India the theory that individual mobility across caste lines may have been minimal in India because it was ritualistic. They state that this may be because the colonial social stratification worked with the pre-existing ritual caste system. 
The emergence of a caste system in the modern form, during the early period of British colonial rule in the 18th and 19th century, was not uniform in South Asia. Claude Markovits, a French historian of colonial India, writes that Hindu society in north and west India (Sindh), in late 18th century and much of 19th century, lacked a proper caste system, their religious identities were fluid (a combination of Saivism, Vaisnavism, Sikhism), and the Brahmins were not the widespread priestly group (but the Bawas were).  Markovits writes, "if religion was not a structuring factor, neither was caste" among the Hindu merchants group of northwest India. 
Societal stratification, and the inequality that comes with it, still exists in India,   and has been thoroughly criticised.  Government policies aim at reducing this inequality by reservation, quota for backward classes, but paradoxically also have created an incentive to keep this stratification alive according to sociologist Arvind Shah.  The Indian government officially recognises historically discriminated communities of India such as the untouchables under the designation of Scheduled Castes, and certain economically backward castes as Other Backward Class.  
Loosening of the caste system
The Government of India provides financial incentives to inter-caste couples under the Dr. Ambedkar Scheme for Social Integration through Inter-Caste Marriages. Various state governments such as those of Odisha, Haryana, Punjab, Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh, Bihar, Tamil Nadu, Rajasthan, and Maharashtra also have similar schemes.  
A 2003 article in The Telegraph observed that inter-caste marriage and dating were common in urban India.  But on a nation-wide basis, the proportion of such practice is still small. A study in 2005 found that inter-caste marriages had nearly doubled between 1981 and 2005 but only reaching the level of 6.1%. A majority of marriages in India are still endogamous with inter-caste and inter-religious marriages found mostly among those who are "economically, educationally, culturally advanced and urban oriented". 
Independent India has witnessed caste-related violence. According to a 2005 UN report, approximately 31,440 cases of violent acts committed against Dalits were reported in 1996.   [ page needed ] The UN report claimed 1.33 cases of violent acts per 10,000 Dalit people. For context, the UN reported between 40 and 55 cases of violent acts per 10,000 people in developed countries in 2005.  [ page needed ]  One example of such violence is the Khairlanji massacre of 2006.
The Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 of India aims to prevent and punish atrocities and discrimination against members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Examples of crimes punishable under the Act include "forcing victims to eat or drink obnoxious substances dumping excreta, sewage, carcasses into their homes or compounds land grabbing humiliation sexual abuse". The National Crime Records Bureau includes statistics of crimes reported under the law as part of it annual reports.  There has been a growth in total number of crimes reported under the Act in recent years but conviction rates have been low. Crimes against members of Scheduled Caste communities grew by 7.3% and against Scheduled Tribes by 26.5% in 2019.  
Caste persists within the Indian diaspora. For example, Dalit people in the United States report experiencing discrimination and violence.   In 2020 the California Department of Fair Employment and Housing initiated a lawsuit against Cisco and two of its employees for alleged discrimination against an Indian engineer because he was from a lower caste than them. According to a 2018 survey by civil rights group Equality Labs cited in the lawsuit, 67% of Dalits "reported being treated unfairly at their workplace because of their caste".  
The Government of the United Kingdom ran a public consultation on ways to ensure legal protection against caste discrimination from March 2017 to September 2017. Based on the consultation the government decided that "the best way to provide the necessary protection against unlawful discrimination because of caste is by relying on emerging case law as developed by courts and tribunals".   
Article 15 of the Constitution of India prohibits discrimination based on caste and Article 17 declared the practice of untouchability to be illegal.  In 1955, India enacted the Untouchability (Offences) Act (renamed in 1976, as the Protection of Civil Rights Act). It extended the reach of law, from intent to mandatory enforcement. The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act was passed in India in 1989. 
- The National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was established to investigate, monitor, advise, and evaluate the socio-economic progress of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. 
- A reservation system for people classified as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes has existed for over 50 years. The presence of privately owned free market corporations in India is limited and public sector jobs have dominated the percentage of jobs in its economy. A 2000 report estimated that most jobs in India were in companies owned by the government or agencies of the government.  The reservation system implemented by India over 50 years, has been partly successful, because of all jobs, nationwide, in 1995, 17.2 percent of the jobs were held by those in the lowest castes. 
- The Indian government classifies government jobs in four groups. The Group A jobs are senior most, high paying positions in the government, while Group D are junior most, lowest paying positions. In Group D jobs, the percentage of positions held by lowest caste classified people is 30% greater than their demographic percentage. In all jobs classified as Group C positions, the percentage of jobs held by lowest caste people is about the same as their demographic population distribution. In Group A and B jobs, the percentage of positions held by lowest caste classified people is 30% lower than their demographic percentage. 
- The presence of lowest caste people in highest paying, senior-most position jobs in India has increased by ten-fold, from 1.18 percent of all jobs in 1959 to 10.12 percent of all jobs in 1995. 
The Indian government officially recognises historically discriminated communities of India such as the untouchables under the designation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and certain economically backward Shudra castes as Other Backward Class.  [ need quotation to verify ] The Scheduled Castes are sometimes referred to as Dalit in contemporary literature. In 2001, Dalits comprised 16.2 percent of India's total population.  Of the one billion Hindus in India, it is estimated that Hindu Forward caste comprises 26%, Other Backward Class comprises 43%, Hindu Scheduled Castes (Dalits) comprises 22% and Hindu Scheduled Tribes (Adivasis) comprises 9%. 
In addition to taking affirmative action for people of schedule castes and scheduled tribes, India has expanded its effort to include people from poor, backward castes in its economic and social mainstream. In 1990, the government reservation of 27% for Backward Classes on the basis of the Mandal Commission's recommendations. Since then, India has reserved 27 percent of job opportunities in government-owned enterprises and agencies for Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBCs). The 27 percent reservation is in addition to 22.5 percent set aside for India's lowest castes for last 50 years. 
The Mandal Commission was established in 1979 to "identify the socially or educationally backward" and to consider the question of seat reservations and quotas for people to redress caste discrimination.  In 1980, the commission's report affirmed the affirmative action practice under Indian law, whereby additional members of lower castes—the other backward classes—were given exclusive access to another 27 percent of government jobs and slots in public universities, in addition to the 23 percent already reserved for the Dalits and Tribals. When V. P. Singh's administration tried to implement the recommendations of the Mandal Commission in 1990, massive protests were held in the country. Many alleged that the politicians were trying to cash in on caste-based reservations for purely pragmatic electoral purposes. [ citation needed ]
Other Backward Classes (OBC)
There is substantial debate over the exact number of OBCs in India it is generally estimated to be sizable, but many believe that it is lower than the figures quoted by either the Mandal Commission or the National Sample Survey. 
The reservation system has led to widespread protests, such as the 2006 Indian anti-reservation protests, with many complaining of reverse discrimination against the Forward Castes (the castes that do not qualify for the reservation). [ citation needed ]
In May 2011, the government approved a poverty, religion and caste census to identify poverty in different social backgrounds.  The census would also help the government to re-examine and possibly undo some of the policies which were formed in haste such as the Mandal Commission in order to bring more objectivity to the policies with respect to contemporary realities.  Critics of the reservation system believe that there is actually no social stigma at all associated with belonging to a backward caste and that because of the huge constitutional incentives in the form of educational and job reservations, a large number of people will falsely identify with a backward caste to receive the benefits. This would not only result in a marked inflation of the backward castes' numbers, but also lead to enormous administrative and judicial resources being devoted to social unrest and litigation when such dubious caste declarations are challenged. 
In 20th century India, the upper-class (Ashraf) Muslims dominated the government jobs and parliamentary representation. As a result, there have been campaigns to include the Muslim untouchable and lower castes among the groups eligible for affirmative action in India under SC and STs provision act  and have been given additional reservation based on the Sachar Committee report.
Effects of government aid
In a 2008 study, Desai et al. focussed on education attainments of children and young adults aged 6–29, from lowest caste and tribal populations of India. They completed a national survey of over 100,000 households for each of the four survey years between 1983 and 2000.  They found a significant increase in lower caste children in their odds of completing primary school. The number of Dalit children who completed either middle-, high- or college-level education increased three times faster than the national average, and the total number were statistically same for both lower and upper castes. However, the same study found that in 2000, the percentage of Dalit males never enrolled in a school was still more than twice the percentage of upper caste males never enrolled in schools. Moreover, only 1.67% of Dalit females were college graduates compared to 9.09% of upper caste females. The number of Dalit girls in India who attended school doubled in the same period, but still few percent less than national average. Other poor caste groups as well as ethnic groups such as Muslims in India have also made improvements over the 16-year period, but their improvement lagged behind that of Dalits and adivasis. The net percentage school attainment for Dalits and Muslims were statistically the same in 1999.
A 2007 nationwide survey of India by the World Bank found that over 80 percent of children of historically discriminated castes were attending schools. The fastest increase in school attendance by Dalit community children occurred during the recent periods of India's economic growth. 
A study by Darshan Singh presents data on health and other indicators of socio-economic change in India's historically discriminated castes. He claims: 
- In 2001, the literacy rates in India's lowest castes was 55 percent, compared to a national average of 63 percent.
- The childhood vaccination levels in India's lowest castes was 40 percent in 2001, compared to a national average of 44 percent.
- Access to drinking water within household or near the household in India's lowest castes was 80 percent in 2001, compared to a national average of 83 percent.
- The poverty level in India's lowest castes dropped from 49 percent to 39 percent between 1995 and 2005, compared to a national average change from 35 to 27 percent.
The life expectancy of various caste groups in modern India has been raised but the International Institute for Population Sciences report suggests that poverty, not caste, is the bigger differentiation in life expectancy in modern India. 
While identified with Hinduism, caste systems are found in other religions on the Indian subcontinent, including other religions such as Buddhists, Christians and Muslims.    [ page needed ]
Social stratification is found among the Christians in India based on caste as well as by their denomination and location. The caste distinction is based on their caste at the time that they or their ancestors converted to Christianity since the 16th century, they typically do not intermarry, and sit separately during prayers in Church. 
The earliest conception of caste among Indian Christians comes from Kerala, called Saint Thomas Christians (or "Syrian Christians"). Duncan Forrester observes that "Nowhere else in India is there a large and ancient Christian community which has in time immemorial been accorded a high status in the caste hierarchy. . Syrian Christian community operates very much as a caste and is properly regarded as a caste or at least a very caste-like group." Amidst the Hindu society, the Saint Thomas Christians of Kerala had inserted themselves within the Indian caste society by the observance of caste rules and were regarded by the Hindus as a caste occupying a high place within their caste hierarchy.    Their traditional belief that their ancestors were high-caste Hindus such as Nambudiris and Nairs, who were evangelised by St. Thomas, has also supported their upper-caste status.  With the arrival of European missionaries and their evangelistic mission among the lower castes in Kerala, two new groups of Christians, called Latin Rite Christians and New Protestant Christians, were formed but they continued to be considered as lower castes by higher ranked communities, including the Saint Thomas Christians. 
Caste system has been observed among Muslims in India.  They practice endogamy, hypergamy, hereditary occupations, avoid social mixing and have been stratified.  There is some controversy  if these characteristics make them social groups or castes of Islam.
Indian Muslims are a mix of Sunni (majority), Shia and other sects of Islam. From the earliest days of Islam's arrival in South Asia, the Arab, Persian and Afghan Muslims have been part of the upper, noble caste. Some upper caste Hindus converted to Islam and became part of the governing group of Sultanates and Mughal Empire, who along with Arabs, Persians and Afghans came to be known as Ashrafs (or nobles).  Below them are the middle caste Muslims called Ajlafs, and the lowest status is those of the Arzals.    Anti-caste activists like Ambedkar called the Arzal caste among Muslims as the equivalent of Hindu untouchables,  as did the British ethnographer Herbert Hope Risley. 
In Bengal, some Muslims refer to the social stratification within their society as qaum (or Quoms),  a term that is found among Muslims elsewhere in India, as well as in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Qaums have patrilineal hereditary, with ranked occupations and endogamy. Membership in a qaum is inherited by birth.  Barth identifies the origin of the stratification from the historical segregation between pak (pure) and paleed (impure)—defined by the family's social or religious status, occupation and involvement in sexual crimes. Originally, Paleed/Paleet qaum included people running or working at brothels, prostitution service providers or professional courtesan/dancers (Tawaif) and musicians. There is history of skin color defining Pak/Paleed, but that does not have historical roots, and was adopted by outsiders using analogy from Hindu Caste system. 
Similarly, Christians in Pakistan are called "Isai", meaning followers of Isa (Jesus). But the term originates from Hindu Caste system and refers to the demeaning jobs performed by Christians in Pakistan out of poverty. Efforts are being made to replace the term with "Masihi" (Messiah), which is preferred by the Christians citizens of Pakistan. 
Endogamy is very common in Muslims in the form of arranged consanguineous marriages among Muslims in India and Pakistan.  Malik states that the lack of religious sanction makes qaum a quasi-caste, and something that is found in Islam outside South Asia. 
Some assert that the Muslim castes are not as acute in their discrimination as those of the Hindus,  while critics of Islam assert that the discrimination in South Asian Muslim society is worse. 
Although the Sikh Gurus criticised the hierarchy of the caste system, one does exist in Sikh community. According to Sunrinder S, Jodhka, the Sikh religion does not advocate discrimination against any caste or creed, however, in practice, Sikhs belonging to the landowning dominant castes have not shed all their prejudices against the Dalits. While Dalits would be allowed entry into the village gurudwaras they would not be permitted to cook or serve langar (the communal meal). Therefore, wherever they could mobilise resources, the Dalits of Punjab have tried to construct their own gurudwara and other local level institutions in order to attain a certain degree of cultural autonomy. 
In 1953, the Government of India acceded to the demands of the Sikh leader, Tara Singh, to include Sikh castes of the converted untouchables in the list of scheduled castes. In the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, 20 of the 140 seats are reserved for low-caste Sikhs.  
The Sikh literature from the period Islamic rule and the British colonial era mention Varna as Varan, and Jati as Zat or Zat-biradari. Eleanor Nesbitt, a professor of Religion and author of books on Sikhism, states that the Varan is described as a class system, while Zat has some caste system features in Sikh literature.  In theory, Nesbitt states Sikh literature does not recognise caste hierarchy or differences. In practice, states Nesbitt, widespread endogamy practice among Sikhs has been prevalent in modern times, and poorer Sikhs of disadvantaged castes continue to gather in their own places of worship. Most Sikh families, writes Nesbitt, continue to check the caste of any prospective marriage partner for their children. She notes that all Gurus of Sikhs married within their Zat, and they did not condemn or break with the convention of endogamous marriages for their own children or Sikhs in general. 
Caste system in Jainism has existed for centuries, primarily in terms of endogamy, although, per Paul Dundas, in modern times the system does not play a significant role.  This is contradicted by Carrithers and Humphreys who describe the major Jain castes in Rajasthan with their social rank. 
Table 1 is the distribution of population of each Religion by Caste Categories, obtained from merged sample of Schedule 1 and Schedule 10 of available data from the National Sample Survey Organisation 55th (1999–2000) and 61st Rounds (2004–05) Round Survey  The Other Backward Class (OBCs) were found [ by whom? ] to comprise 52% of the country's population by the Mandal Commission report of 1980, a figure which had shrunk to 41% by 2006 when the National Sample Survey Organisation's survey took place. 
There has been criticism of the caste system from both within and outside of India.  Since the 1980s, caste has become a major issue in the politics of India. 
Indian social reformers
The caste system has been criticised by many Indian social reformers.
Basava (1105–1167) was arguably [ weasel words ] one of the first social reformers, [ citation needed ] Basava championed devotional worship that rejected temple worship and rituals, and replaced it with personalised direct worship of Shiva through practices such as individually worn icons and symbols like a small linga. This approach brought Shiva's presence to everyone and at all times, without gender, class or caste discrimination. His teachings and verses such as Káyakavé Kailása (Work is the path to Kailash (bliss, heaven), or Work is Worship) became popular. [ according to whom? ] [ citation needed ]
Jyotirao Phule (1827–1890) vehemently criticised any explanations that the caste system was natural and ordained by the Creator in Hindu texts. If Brahma wanted castes, argued Phule, he would have ordained the same for other creatures. There are no castes in species of animals or birds, so why should there be one among human animals. [ citation needed ] In his criticism Phule added, "Brahmins cannot claim superior status because of caste, because they hardly bothered with these when wining and dining with Europeans." [ citation needed ] Professions did not make castes, and castes did not decide one's profession. If someone does a job that is dirty, it does not make them inferior in the same way that no mother is inferior because she cleans the excreta of her baby. Ritual occupation or tasks, argued Phule, do not make any human being superior or inferior. 
Vivekananda similarly criticised caste as one of the many human institutions that bars the power of free thought and action of an individual. Caste or no caste, creed or no creed, any man, or class, or caste, or nation, or institution that bars the power of free thought and bars action of an individual is devilish, and must go down. Liberty of thought and action, asserted Vivekananda, is the only condition of life, of growth and of well-being. 
In his younger years, Gandhi disagreed with some of Ambedkar's observations, rationale and interpretations about the caste system in India. "Caste," he claimed, has "saved Hinduism from disintegration. But like every other institution it has suffered from excrescences." [ citation needed ] He considered the four divisions of Varnas to be fundamental, natural and essential. The innumerable subcastes or Jatis he considered to be a hindrance. He advocated to fuse all the Jatis into a more global division of Varnas. [ citation needed ] In the 1930s, Gandhi began to advocate for the idea of heredity in caste to be rejected, arguing that "Assumption of superiority by any person over any other is a sin against God and man. Thus caste, in so far as it connotes distinctions in status, is an evil." 
He claimed that Varnashrama of the shastras is today nonexistent in practice. The present caste system is theory antithesis of varnashrama. Caste in its current form, claimed Gandhi, had nothing to do with religion. The discrimination and trauma of castes, argued Gandhi, was the result of custom, the origin of which is unknown. Gandhi said that the customs' origin was a moot point, because one could spiritually sense that these customs were wrong, and that any caste system is harmful to the spiritual well-being of man and economic well-being of a nation. The reality of colonial India was, Gandhi noted, that there was no significant disparity between the economic condition and earnings of members of different castes, whether it was a Brahmin or an artisan or a farmer of low caste. India was poor, and Indians of all castes were poor. Thus, he argued that the cause of trauma was not in the caste system, but elsewhere. Judged by the standards being applied to India, Gandhi claimed, every human society would fail. He acknowledged that the caste system in India spiritually blinded some Indians, then added that this did not mean that every Indian or even most Indians blindly followed the caste system, or everything from ancient Indian scriptures of doubtful authenticity and value. India, like any other society, cannot be judged by a caricature of its worst specimens. Gandhi stated that one must consider the best it produced as well, along with the vast majority in impoverished Indian villages struggling to make ends meet, with woes of which there was little knowledge.  [ original research? ]
B. R. Ambedkar
B. R. Ambedkar was born in a caste that was classified as untouchable, became a leader of human rights campaigns in India, a prolific writer, and a key person in drafting modern India's constitution in the 1940s. He wrote extensively on discrimination, trauma and what he saw as the tragic effects of the caste system in India. [ citation needed ] He believed that the caste system originated in the practise of endogamy and that it spread through imitation by other groups. He wrote that initially, Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras existed as classes whose choice of occupation was not restricted by birth and in which exogamy was prevalent. Brahmins then began to practise endogamy and enclosed themselves, hence Ambedkar defines caste as "enclosed class". He believed that traditions such as sati, enforced widowhood and child marriage developed from the need to reinforce endogamy and Shastras were used to glorify these practices so that they are observed without being questioned. Later, other caste groups imitated these customs. However, although Ambedkar uses the approach of psychologist Gabriel Tarde to indicate how the caste system spread, he also explains that Brahmins or Manu cannot be blamed for the origin of the caste system and he discredits theories which trace the origin of caste system in races.  [ non-primary source needed ]
Many political parties in India have indulged in caste-based votebank politics. Parties such as Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the Samajwadi Party and the Janata Dal claim that they are representing the backward castes, and rely on OBC support, often in alliance with Dalit and Muslim support, to win elections. 
Economic inequality seems to be related to the influence of inherited social-economic stratification. [ citation needed ] A 1995 study notes that the caste system in India is a system of exploitation of poor low-ranking groups by more prosperous high-ranking groups.  A report published in 2001 note that in India 36.3% of people own no land at all, 60.6% own about 15% of the land, with a very wealthy 3.1% owning 15% of the land.  A study by Haque reports that India contains both the largest number of rural poor, and the largest number of landless households on the planet. [ citation needed ] Haque also reports that over 90 percent of both scheduled castes (low-ranking groups) and all other castes (high-ranking groups) either do not own land or own land area capable of producing less than $1000 per year of food and income per household. However, over 99 percent of India's farms are less than 10 hectares, and 99.9 percent of the farms are less than 20 hectares, regardless of the farmer or landowner's caste. Indian government has, in addition, vigorously pursued agricultural land ceiling laws which prohibit anyone from owning land greater than mandated limits. India has used this law to forcibly acquire land from some, then redistribute tens of millions of acres to the landless and poor of the low-caste. Haque suggests that Indian lawmakers need to reform and modernise the nation's land laws and rely less on blind adherence to land ceilings and tenancy reform.  
In a 2011 study, Aiyar too notes that such qualitative theories of economic exploitation and consequent land redistribution within India between 1950 and 1990 had no effect on the quality of life and poverty reduction. Instead, economic reforms since the 1990s and resultant opportunities for non-agricultural jobs have reduced poverty and increased per capita income for all segments of Indian society.  For specific evidence, Aiyar mentions the following
Critics believe that the economic liberalisation has benefited just a small elite and left behind the poor, especially the lowest Hindu caste of dalits. But a recent authoritative survey revealed striking improvements in living standards of dalits in the last two decades. Television ownership was up from zero to 45 percent cellphone ownership up from zero to 36 percent two-wheeler ownership (of motorcycles, scooters, mopeds) up from zero to 12.3 percent children eating yesterday's leftovers down from 95.9 percent to 16.2 percent . Dalits running their own businesses up from 6 percent to 37 percent and proportion working as agricultural labourers down from 46.1 percent to 20.5 percent.
Cassan has studied the differential effect within two segments of India's Dalit community. He finds India's overall economic growth has produced the fastest and more significant socio-economic changes. Cassan further concludes that legal and social program initiatives are no longer India's primary constraint in further advancement of India's historically discriminated castes further advancement are likely to come from improvements in the supply of quality schools in rural and urban India, along with India's economic growth. 
The maltreatment of Dalits in India has been described by Anand Teltumbde, Gopal Guru and others as "India's hidden apartheid".    Critics of the accusations point to substantial improvements in the position of Dalits in post-independence India, consequent to the strict implementation of the rights and privileges enshrined in the Constitution of India, as implemented by the Protection of Civil rights Act, 1955.  They also argue that the practise had disappeared in urban public life. 
Recent research by Naveen Bharathi, Deepak Malghan and Andaleeb Rahman found that "the extent of intra-village segregation in Karnataka is greater than the local black-white segregation in the American South that continues to influence residential patterns to this day." They claim that this finding agrees with previous ethnographic research that found that residential space in rural India is segregated along caste lines.   
Sociologists Kevin Reilly, Stephen Kaufman and Angela Bodino, while critical of caste system, conclude that modern India does not practice apartheid since there is no state-sanctioned discrimination.  They write that casteism in India is presently "not apartheid. In fact, untouchables, as well as tribal people and members of the lowest castes in India benefit from broad affirmative action programmes and are enjoying greater political power." 
A hypothesis that caste amounts to race has been rejected by some scholars.    Ambedkar, for example, wrote that "The Brahmin of Punjab is racially of the same stock as the Chamar of Punjab. The Caste system does not demarcate racial division. The Caste system is a social division of people of the same race."  Various sociologists, anthropologists and historians have rejected the racial origins and racial emphasis of caste and consider the idea to be one that has purely political and economic undertones. Beteille writes that "the Scheduled Castes of India taken together are no more a race than are the Brahmins taken together. Every social group cannot be regarded as a race simply because we want to protect it against prejudice and discrimination",  and that the 2001 Durban conference on racism hosted by the U.N. is "turning its back on established scientific opinion".  [ better source needed ]
Mulk Raj Anand's debut novel, Untouchable (1935), is based on the theme of untouchability. The Hindi film Achhut Kannya (Untouchable Maiden, 1936), starring Ashok Kumar and Devika Rani, was an early reformist film. [ citation needed ] The debut novel of Arundhati Roy, The God of Small Things (1997), also has themes surrounding the caste system across religions. A lawyer named Sabu Thomas filed a petition to have the book published without the last chapter, which had graphic description of sexual acts between members of different castes.  [ better source needed ] Thomas claimed the alleged obscenity in the last chapter deeply hurts the Syrian Christian community, the basis of the novel. 
The pre-colonial written record in royal court documents and traveller accounts studied by professional historians and philologists like Nicholas Dirks, GS Ghurye, Richard Eaton, David Shulman and Cynthia Talbot show little or no mention of caste.
Social identities were constantly malleable. "Slaves" and "menials" and "merchants" became kings farmers became soldiers, and soldiers became farmers one's social identity could be changed as easily as moving from one village to another there is little evidence of systematic and widespread caste oppression or mass conversion to Islam as a result of it.
All the available evidence calls for a fundamental re-imagination of social identity in pre-colonial India.
The picture that one should see is of astonishing diversity. What the colonisers did through their reading of the "sacred" texts and the institution of the census was to try to frame all of that diversity through alien categorical systems of religion, race, caste and tribe. The census was used to simplify - categorise and define - what was barely understood by the colonisers using a convenient ideology and absurd (and shifting) methodology.
The colonisers invented or constructed Indian social identities using categories of convenience during a period that covered roughly the 19th Century.
This was done to serve the British Indian government's own interests - primarily to create a single society with a common law that could be easily governed.
A very large, complex and regionally diverse system of faiths and social identities was simplified to a degree that probably has no parallel in world history, entirely new categories and hierarchies were created, incompatible or mismatched parts were stuffed together, new boundaries were created, and flexible boundaries hardened.
The resulting categorical system became rigid during the next century and quarter, as the made-up categories came to be associated with real rights. Religion-based electorates in British India and caste-based reservations in independent India made amorphous categories concrete. There came to be real and material consequences of belonging to one category (like Jain or Scheduled Caste) instead of another. Categorisation, as it turned out in India, was destiny.
The vast scholarship of the last few decades allows us to make a strong case that the British colonisers wrote the first and defining draft of Indian history.
So deeply inscribed is this draft in the public imagination that it is now accepted as the truth. It is imperative that we begin to question these imagined truths.
Sanjoy Chakravorty is professor in the College of Liberal Arts at Temple University, Philadelphia
Ancient Caste System, i.e., Varnashrama or Chaturvarnya System:
Each human being is born with certain characteristics and with some natural inclination towards a particular occupation. E.g., some people are natural businessmen. They do not want to work for others at any cost even if they are highly paid. On the contrary, some people want to serve and do not at all want to do business. Some people want to join the armed forces only and fight for the cause of the country.
A few years back British scientists discovered that for being a successful businessman, the person needs to born with certain sets of genes. There is a rumor that even some companies are planning to check the gene map of a person who has applied for a certain post to see whether they fit for that particular job or not.
Varnashrama was the system that used to recognize the certain inclination of a person towards a particular occupation and help him to do the job which he will be best suited for. It was of no significance in which family he was born. There were no restrictions on marriage between the persons of two different castes.
Now, the question arises is that do the ancient Hindus know genes? If so, to what extent? Because the laboratories that we have now were not available at that time, then how?
Japan’s minority peoples
A few ethnographic studies have suggested that a form of racial ideology has developed independently of the West in some traditional societies such as that of Japan, where various minority peoples, notably the burakumin and the Ainu, have been victimized and exploited by the dominant society. The burakumin, the former outcastes, have suffered from various forms of discrimination because of folk myths about their “polluted blood,” a discourse that has historical origin but no biological reality. Discrimination against them has been made possible by identifying group membership on the basis of descent—in modern times this discrimination is most pronounced in marriage, but historically it also affected housing and employment—and “traditional” occupations—such as butchering animals or disposing of corpses—which had been considered undesirable for the centuries during which Buddhism was a dominant religion. Medieval documents reveal that long before Japan imported Western racial ideology in the modern age, they were portrayed as being of a different shu (“race”), and discrimination against them was institutionalized and legalized. Although the burakumin were declared by law in 1871 to be of equal status, prejudice against them persisted into the 21st century.
The Ainu are an indigenous people who once occupied the northern part of Japan. Today they inhabit Hokkaido and various other parts of Japan as well, including the greater Tokyo region. Contemporary scholars agree that both the Ainu and the more dominant Japanese share the ancestral Jōmon culture. The old theory that claimed that the Ainu bore greater resemblance to Europeans than to Asians, as seen in their abundance of body hair and rounder eyes, is no longer accepted.
It should be noted that when the indigenous racial worldview that developed independently in premodern Japan merged with Western scientific racism after the 1868 Meiji Restoration, the “biological differences” from the dominant Japanese of such groups as the Ainu, the Okinawans, and the burakumin, which physical anthropologists “found” or redefined through various body measures, were used to justify both the government’s assimilation policies and discriminatory practices.
In the post-World War II era, discrimination against Koreans, one of the largest minorities in contemporary Japan, has been a major issue of racism. Ethnic Koreans are forced to choose between giving up various resources available only to Japanese citizens so that they can maintain their Korean identities and giving up recognition of their Korean identity in order to receive Japanese citizenship.
Essay on the Origin of Caste System in India
Read this comprehensive essay on the Origin of Indian Caste System !
The exact origin of caste system cannot be traced. The system is said to have originated in India. The records of the Indo-Aryan culture contain the first mention and a continuous history of the factors that make up caste.
The people, who are known as Indo-Aryans belong linguistically to the larger family of peoples designated either as Indo-Europeans or as Indo- Germans. They comprised the Anglo-Saxons, the Celts, the Romans, the Spanish, the Portuguese, and the Iranian among others. One of the branches of these peoples which reached India about 2,500 B.C. is called Indo-Aryans.
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According to Dr. Mazumdar, the caste system took its birth after the arrival of Aryans in India. In order to maintain their separate existence the Indo-Aryans used certain favourite words such as ‘Varna’ or ‘Color’. Thus, they spoke of the ‘Dasa Varna’ or more properly the Dasa people. Rig Vedic literature stresses very significantly the differences between the Arya and Dasa, not only in their colour but also in their speeches, religious practices and physical features. The three classes. Brahman, Kshatra and Vis are frequently mentioned in the Rig Veda. The name of the fourth class, the ‘Sudra’, occurs only once in the Rig Veda.
The first two classes, i.e. Brahman and Kshatriya represented broadly the two professions of the poet-priest and the warrior-chief. Vaishya comprised all the common people. The Sudra class represented domestic servants approximating very nearly to the position of slaves. On the relations subsisting between the four classes the Rig Veda has little to say. However, the Brahman is definitely said to be superior to the Kshatriya.
According to this theory, caste system is a cleaver device invented by the Brahmans in order to place themselves on the highest ladder of social hierarchy. Ghurye states, “Caste is a Brahmanic child of Indo-Aryan culture cradled in the land of the Ganges and thence transferred to other parts of India”.
The Brahmanic literature of the post-Vedic period mentions certain mixed classes (Sankara Jati) and also a group of outcaste classes (Antyavasayin). Among the four Varnas, the old distinction of Arya and Sudra now appears as Dwijas and Sudra.
The first three classes are called Dwijas (twice born) because they have to go through the initiation ceremony which is symbolic of rebirth. The Sudra was called ‘ekajati’ (one born). The word ‘jati’ is henceforward employed to mean the numerous subdivisions of a ‘Varna’. However, this demarcation is not rigidly maintained.
The word ‘jati’, is sometimes used for ‘Varna’. In the Brahman period the position of the Brahmans increased manifold.
The three lower classes are ordered to live according to the teaching of the Brahman, who shall declare their duties while the king also is exhorted to regulate his conduct accordingly. The preeminence of the Brahman had secured him many social privileges sanctioned by the lawgivers.
The statement that God created the Sudra to be the slave of all is repeated and he is given the name of ‘padaja’ (born from the feet).
As a priestly influence grew in India, complicated rules of ritual and conduct were built up and incorporated into the religious books. The Brahmans closed their ranks and tried to maintain their superiority over the other classes. It is true that in the beginning there were no rigid restrictions but slowly and gradually the idea of separation stiffened. It was first the ritual and ceremonial purity which as time went on took an engerated aspect. Distinction began to be made between things pure and impure. Restrictions were imposed on food and drink. When the Brahmans closed their ranks, it was but natural that other classes also should follow suit.
According to this theory, the origin of caste system can be found in the nature and quality of social work performed by the various groups of people. Those professions which were regarded as better and respectable made the persons Who performed them superior to those who were engaged in dirty professions. According to Newsfield, “Function and function alone is responsible for the origin of caste structure in India”. Functional differentiation led to occupational differentiation and numerous sub-castes such as Lohar, Sonar, Chamar, Bhangi, Bharhai, Pawa, Teli, Nai, Tamboli, Kahar, Gadaria, Mali etc, came into existence.
According to this theory, the caste system is of divine origin. There are some references in Vedic literature wherein it is said that castes were created by Brahma, the supreme creator, so that human beings may harmoniously perform the various social functions essential for the maintenance of society. According to Dr. Mazumdar, “if, however we take the divine origin of the Varnas as an allegorical explanation of the functional division of society, the theory assumes practical significance”.
According to Denzil Ibetson, castes are the modified forms of guilds. In his opinion, caste system is the product of interaction of three forces: (i) tribes, (ii) guilds, and (iii) religion. The tribes adopted certain fixed professions and assumed the form of guilds. In ancient India, the priests enjoyed greater prestige. They were a hereditary and endogamous group. The other guilds also adopted the same practices and in course of time became castes.
Hocart and Senart are the two main advocates of religious theory. According to Hocart, social stratification originated on account of religious principles and customs. In ancient India, religion had a prominent place. The king was considered the image of God. The priest kings accorded different positions to different functional groups. Senart has tried to explain the origin of caste system on the basis of prohibitions regarding sacramental food. The followers of one particular deity considered themselves the descendants of the same ancestor and offered a particular kind of food as offering to their deity. Those who believed in the same deity considered themselves as different from those who believed in some other deity.
According to this theory, the caste system did not come to originate all of a sudden or at a particular date. It is the result of a long process of social evolution. A number of factors played their part in the development of the present caste system.
Among these factors we may enumerate the following ones:
(ii) The desire of the Brahmans to keep themselves pure
(iii) The lack of rigid unitary control of the state
(iv) The unwillingness of rulers to enforce a uniform standard of law and custom and their readiness to recognize the varying customs of different groups as valid
(v) Beliefs in reincarnation and the doctrine of Karma
(vi) Ideas of exclusive family, ancestor worship, and the sacramental meal
(vii) Clash of antagonistic cultures particularly of the patriarchal and the matriarchal systems
(viii) Clash of races, colour prejudices and conquest
(ix) Deliberate economic and administrative polices followed by the various conquerors particularly by the British
(x) Geographical isolation of the Indian peninsular
(xi) Static nature of Hindu society
(xiii) Rural social structure.
All the above factors conspired to encourage the formation of small groups based on petty distinctions from time to time. The lack of rigid unitary control of the state, the unwillingness of the rulers to enforce a uniform standard of law and custom, their readiness to recognize the varying customs of different groups as valid, and their usual practice of allowing things somehow to adjust themselves led to the growth of groups and promoted the spirit of solidarity and community feeling in every group. Multiplicity of the groups and the thoroughness of the system are also due to the habit of the Hindu mind to create categories and to carry things to their logical end, a characteristic manifest in our literature, philosophy and religious creeds.
It may however, be noted that caste system is not specifically an institution of the Hindus but is a typical Indian institution. Buddhism in its practice at least was not opposed to the caste system and the two primary attributes of interlining and inter-marriage between different hereditarily determined sets of people in the same community are also found among the Muslims of India. Further, caste system is not a monopoly of India. It existed and still exists in many parts of the world.
The feudal system of medieval Europe was a species of caste system. Certain ethnic groups such as Jews and Negroes are still treated as low castes in many civilized countries including the United States. What is unique in the Hindu caste system is that some groups are classified as untouchable and unapproachable.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE ON CASTE:
- Functionalism (or Functional analysis): It is the theoretical outlook that presupposes and emphasizes harmony in every aspect of human existence in society. Functionalists see the world as an organism. Just as any creature has different organs that work together to keep the creature alive, society is a complex consortium in which every part has a specific ‘function’ or purpose that it needs to fulfill to ensure the proper functioning of society. Every ‘organ’ needs to work in tandem to establish equilibrium in society, which could otherwise enter a pathological state. However, not every action is beneficial for society. These are ‘dysfunctions’ of society, and are most often latent (hidden or unintentional) in nature because functionalists assume that deliberate human actions are, by nature, ‘good’.
- Symbolic Interactionism: This theoretical perspective regards every facet of social life as constructed by people to represent ‘symbols’. These symbols help humans understand their and others’ position in society, create, impart and establish meanings of everything they come across, and define the basis of human interactions. Anything with a meaning attached becomes a symbol that helps define the varieties of human life. Not only the relationships we form with others around us, but institutions, norms, traditions–every feature of human society depend upon what they symbolize for us. Daily human communication and relations are at the core of the symbolic-interactionist theory.
- Conflict Perspective: In a complete contradiction to functionalism, conflict theory considers human society to comprise competing groups that are always in a struggle against one another in the face of limited or scarce resources. Conflict theorists argue that the need of one group to exert their power over the other results in an underlying hostility hidden by a cover of peace and harmony. All social institutions are, by nature, unequal and work towards corroborating and sustaining the inequalities in society.
These three theoretical perspectives form the backbone of sociological analysis and can help in exploring the matter of caste from a sociological point of view.
Caste from Functional Perspective:
Caste plays various functions in society. Caste affects the different caste groups in society, each of the caste-based social groups themselves, and also each individual from any of the several caste groups. First, caste determines an individual’s position in society starting at birth. Because each caste is arranged in a hierarchy, each individual gets the ascribed status of belonging to a particular caste, either higher or lower in the stratification. Since it is a matter of birth, no life event can affect the status of a person, i.e., no change in occupation, education, and financial status of any individual can change their social position as formed by caste. For individuals, caste serves the purpose of distinguishing themselves from others in society. Second, caste helps in developing solidarity among the people who belong to a particular caste. In Durkheim’s theories, this type of solidarity would be mechanical because it arises from a feeling of having similarities. People belonging to a particular caste feel a connection and fellowship towards others within the same group, consequently creating a well-knit and cohesive group whose members can rely on each other for support. Third, caste facilitates economic distribution in society because the occupation of each individual is pre-decided by their caste. Strict rules render a generational feature to the economic activities. Given that individuals are already aware of their destined occupations, they learn the ropes and master the skills from a young age, increasing the efficiency of the task. Fourthly, caste relieves a person from the worries of marriage, as it strictly suggests endogamy, especially in places where arranged marriages are still practiced (such as India). By restricting marital relations within a caste, the system also allows for maintenance of the ‘purity’ of castes and strengthening of the groups. Finally, caste determines the daily activities of an individual, ‘relieving’ them of having to decide for themselves.
However, caste has several dysfunctions, all of which arise from its so-called functions. By dividing society into hierarchies, the caste system handicaps all forms of social interaction between the various castes and sub-castes and weakens the cohesion of the society en masse. Next, the rigidity of norms and values under caste, vouched to give direction to individuals and ‘help’ them in decision-making, actually hinders social progress by obstructing social change. Third, both by assigning economic roles and by confining marriage within castes, the system takes away an individual’s freedom of choice and completely disregards personal feelings and individual development. Fixing occupations for individuals and requiring them to conform to the caste traditions also unnecessarily pressures them to carry out the responsibilities which they might not feel adequately prepared for. Through endogamous marriage, caste also homogenizes society, which further adds to the problem of lack of social mobility and the development of intolerance towards other groups. Caste-based conflicts, political agenda, caste rivalry, and domination of certain castes over others are fundamental issues with the caste system. The hierarchical arrangement of society based on caste also leads to a power imbalance. Certain ‘upper castes’, because of their higher position in the structure, exercise their power and control over the ‘lower castes’. This causes the unfair exploitation, oppression, denial of basic human rights, and several other discriminatory activities on the people belonging from the latter. Caste also causes the social exclusion of a certain group of people. Considered the ‘untouchables’, they are forced to perform denigrating acts such as manual scavenging and are shunned by the entire society. Last, but not least, caste reinforces women’s oppression. Several norms and regulations within a particular caste are forced mainly on women (e.g., restriction on remarriage of widows, prohibition of hypogamy, etc.).
Several theorists have used the structural-functionalism perspective to analyze the caste system. M.N. Srinivas, an Indian sociologist, John Henry Hutton, an English anthropologist, French anthropologist Louis Dumont, etc., are a few whose works on caste reflect functionalism.
Caste from Symbolic Perspective:
The symbolic-interactionist perspective considers caste as composed of symbols that determine the interrelations between within a particular caste group, or the entire society. Because caste is a feature that is ingrained into a person and their lives from their very birth, there remains no part of an individual’s life left untouched by caste. In contemporary times these differences are more visible in rural areas than in urban areas, but their remnants are visible even in urban regions.
Food, one of the primary necessities for the survival of humans, is segregated based on caste. Though the approach to the foods of different castes has varied throughout history, in recent times vegetarianism and teetotalism have become ‘upper caste’ practices. Abstinence from specific foods and drinks is considered a sign of ‘purity’, a status given only to the ‘upper castes’. While most animal meat is considered ‘impure’, some are more than the rest. For example, the meat of pig is considered among the ‘low-caste foods’, while fish and mutton are considerably higher in the hierarchy. Sometimes, the manner of cooking food is also subjected to caste rules. There are also strict instructions of a diverse range regarding when and by whom food can be exchanged between castes. Many times, any food item even touched by a person of a ‘lower caste’ must be ‘purified’ before an ‘upper caste’ individual can consume it.
Religious practices are also divided according to castes. Similar to eating, practices and symbols of religious worship have also changed several times. Even though the rituals are significantly changed today, usually animal sacrifice, animism, etc., are practices of the ‘lower caste’. Offerings of flowers, fruits, sweets, etc., are ‘upper caste’. The caste system also homogenizes religious customs by disabling people from the so-called ‘lower caste’ to take part in rites of the ‘upper caste’.
Caste also creates an economic divide among people. Some occupations belong only to the ‘upper caste’, and some professions can only be taken up by the ‘lower caste’. Cleaning, sweeping, laundering, animal slaughtering, shoe-making, leather tanning, etc., are given the status of being ‘lower caste’, with money-lending, teaching, trading, fall on the other end of the spectrum. Within animal rearing, certain animals are considered ‘purer’ than the others (e.g., cows greater than pigs, etc.). Even more degrading activities, such as manual scavenging, are set aside for those considered as the ‘untouchables’. Whenever people try to break away from these stereotypical notions of occupation, they face severe social sanctions.
Endogamy is the preferred choice of marriage but is rigid for upper castes, especially women, who cannot marry any person from the ‘lower’ castes. This is done to maintain the homogeneity of castes (and ‘purity’ for ‘upper castes’). Marriages are patrilocal, and families follow a patrilineal system of generational succession. Certain marriage rituals are also restricted from being used by a particular caste.
Regardless of castes, women are subjected to oppression and abuse by men. However, the so-called ‘lower caste’ women enjoy greater public freedom than the ‘upper caste’ women. ‘Upper caste’ women are expected to stay indoors and not take part in any economic activity which requires public exposure. Here, racism and colorism also enter the context, as a fairer skin is valued as ‘pure’, and therefore, by default, a characteristic of the ‘upper caste’, while darker skin, which is a hereditary feature and a clear outcome of working outdoors, is looked down upon as ‘lower caste’.
Writings of G. S. Ghurye and A. M. Shah are a few which analyze caste from a symbolic interactionist perspective.
Caste from Conflict Perspective:
Conflict theorists give the most pejorative criticism of the caste system. According to the conflict perspective, caste-based societies have an inherent tendency of being biased–they serve the privilege of one section of the society while discriminating against the other. All the dysfunctions which functionalists overlook and justify as mere inconveniences form the basis of caste as seen from the conflict perspective. Conflict theorists understand the struggle of the ‘lower castes’ against the ‘upper castes’, which is often ignored under the garb of various functions served by the caste system. In the division of people according to their castes, conflict theorists can understand the aspirations of one caste to exert their domination over and exploit other caste groups. Conflict theorists empathize with the infringement of freedom of choice, a birthright of every human being, which takes place under the caste system. People are assigned castes, and their positions in society, occupations, practices, etc., even before they are born because they belong from the particular family background. This takes away their individual agency. People become nothing more than their castes—their ambitions, qualities, and abilities are all invalidated and trivialized only because they belong from a particular caste. Even if people try to break the social barriers, and can separate their achieved status from the ascribed one, the society does not acknowledge and accept their hard work and only assess them based on their castes. From a view of societal development, caste hinders every facet of reform. Economic progress is held back as the division of labor does not depend upon individual aptitudes and skills, but according to which families people are born in—a priest’s child can only be a priest, and a cobbler’s child can never rise beyond ‘menial’ tasks. Although no occupation is greater or lesser, in a caste-based society some, those that do not require excess physical labor are accorded a higher position than the others. Caste diminishes mutual bonding, trust, and feelings of fellowship among people. The caste system prevents social harmony and is harmful to the integrity of a nation and affinity within its people.
The feminist perspective, a sub-category of the conflict theory, contends that caste discrimination is felt the worst by women. In a patriarchal system, where women are already considered ‘inferior’ to men, caste adds to the problem by placing ‘low-caste’ women at the very of the hierarchy. ‘Upper caste’ men impose control over ‘upper caste’ women, who oppress and exploit ‘lower caste’ men and women, and ‘lower caste’ men exercise power over ‘lower caste’ women.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Gail Omvedt, and Kancha Ilaiah are some writers the works of whom are integral to under caste from a conflict perspective.
While each theoretical framework offers a unique way of understanding caste as a social issue, sociologists apply a comprehensive combination of all three viewpoints to approach any matter concerning the society.
SOCIOLOGISTS VIEW ON CASTE SYSTEM
- Ghurne depicted caste as a complicated phenomenon and inferred that its definition cannot be put in words.
- Maclver and Page gave a theory that a person’s birth cannot be controlled and it is his ascribed status that cannot be changed by any factor.
- According to Cooley status is a factor of family and the family in which a man is born can be called his caste.
- Risley believed that caste is an integration of some people who belong to the same family by the title, also can be depicted as coming from the common ancestor and later on forming a community which can be called as their caste too.
- Dumont also gave his perspective stating that caste is mainly religion-driven fact and the people of the same level be it economy, same culture and religion come together and forms a caste.
Henslin, J. M. (2017). Sociology: A down-to-earth approach (pp. 2–33). Pearson Education.
Quite a few Asian cultures I’ve experienced think of the head as the holiest of body parts and the feet as the filthiest. Sure, that can be taken literally — but it applies on the spiritual level as well.
In India, they’ve taken this concept to the next level, connecting body parts with actual societal classes. They’ve used that belief to help justify a horrific system of oppression.
What is the caste system?
Think of it as the opposite of the American Dream. In the caste system, people are born into their situation in life, including the occupations open to them. And because they can only marry people within their caste, it’s a vicious cycle that never ends.
“Rooted in religion and based on a division of labor, the caste system, among other things, dictates the type of occupations a person can pursue” as well as the social interactions he or she is allowed, according to Dummies, the company that brings us those …for Dummies books.
“The most obvious problem with this system was that under its rigidity, the lower castes were prevented from aspiring to climb higher, and, therefore, economic progress was restricted,” the site reports.
Each caste is said to have come from a different part of the body of Brahma, the Hindu creator god
What exactly are the main castes — and how do they relate to the body?
Each caste is affiliated with a part of the body of Brahma, the Hindu god of creation.
Brahmins: These are the top dogs. They’re mostly priests, teachers and scholars who supposedly came from Brahma’s heads, or mouths (he had four).
Brahmins are the highest caste in India, composed of priests and those lucky enough to be well educated
Kshatriyas: These are the warriors and rulers, so it shouldn’t be surprising that they originated from Brahma’s arms. Nowadays, they tend to be bureaucrats working in public administration, maintenance of law and order, and defense.
The highest secular class, Kshatriyas include the subcaste Rajputs. Traditionally, they were warriors
Vaishyas: This caste consists of the merchants and traders (e.g., businessmen) as well as farmers, cattle herders and artisans. Hindu myth states that they were created from Brahma’s thighs.
The Vaishya caste includes farmers and those involved in business
Shudras: Also called Sudras, this low caste is comprised of menial laborers and service providers. They derive from Brahma’s feet.
A still from the 2012 Hindi movie Shudra: The Rising?, about the poor treatment of this low caste (I’m pretty sure most of them aren’t this hot)
Avarnas/Dalits: The “untouchables” are forced to perform the worst jobs, including cleaning public toilets, raising so-called unclean animals like pigs, curing hides and sweeping streets. Dalit is the more modern term for this class and translates to “oppressed.”
So low on the totem pole, they’re technically outside of the caste system, Dalits, or untouchables, are relegated to jobs deemed too unclean for the rest of society
These castes get broken down into subsets as well by region.
How did the caste system get started?
It was written in the book — the Manusmriti, that is. This tome, dating back to 1000 BCE or more, is widely regarded to be the most important and authoritative book on Hindu law, the BBC reports. It “acknowledges and justifies the caste system as the basis of order and regularity of society.”
This social stratification might go back even further than that, according to The Logical Indian: The site states that the first mention was called “the Varna system” and was in the Rig Veda, an ancient Indian hymnal believed to have been written between 1500 and 800 BCE.
How does the caste system work?
“The upper and lower castes almost always lived in segregated colonies, the water wells were not shared, Brahmins would not accept food or drink from the Shudras, and one could marry only within one’s caste,” according to the BBC.
If it sounds awful, it was: The caste system trapped people into a social stratification they couldn’t escape from.
The ancient texts helped perpetuate stereotypes about each caste, the Logical Indian reports. “Brahmins were considered to be pure, wise and gentle Kshatriyas were linked with anger, pleasure and boldness Vaishyas were deemed to be hard-working people living off the plough and Shudras were associated with violence and impurity, worthy of contempt.”
Isn’t the caste system supposed to have been abolished?
It was, in 1950. Legally, at least. The constitution banned discrimination on the basis of caste, and, in an attempt to correct historical injustices and provide a level playing field to the traditionally disadvantaged, the authorities announced quotas in government jobs and educational institutions for the lowest castes.
By 1990, the quota rose to just under 50%, applying to groups the government classified by such charming names as “Other Backward Classes,” “Scheduled Castes” and “Scheduled Tribes.”
Mahatma Gandhi fought for the rights of the Dalits, calling them Harijans, or the Children of God.
What about the deadly protests against the caste system?
“Outbreaks of violent protests have raked into an ugly spotlight the views of those people who are dissatisfied with affirmative action,” CNN writes.
In February 2016, the Jats, a well-off group of farmers and traders from Northern India, protested. By the end, 30 people had been killed while clashing with the police, buildings were burned, and canals damaged.
Why Does This Matter?
The above matters for two reasons.
- It helps us remember that different ancient cultures evolved in different ways, yet we all share traits. We should remember the History of India from the early days to the Mughals, to the English East India Company, to Gandhi, to the modern day.
- We can look at other cultures and see how these same classes arose in different ways. They seem to be systems that form along with social groupings, which we could see as naturally arising systems. I’m not arguing they are hereditary just that they appear to form naturally.
European society has historically been divided by:
- Kings, Aristocracy, and Their Army
- Merchants and Oligarchs
Brief Notes on The Greek and Roman Class Systems
Likewise, Athens divided itself into lower (Thetes – laborers), middle (Yoked Men – Merchants), upper class (horse breeders – horse owners), and highest class (Pentacosiomedimni – land owners). They also had two non-citizen classes (resident aliens and slaves). 
Not only did Athens (and other societies like Sparta and Rome) divide their societies by class, but Plato’s ideal society from his Republic contains a rigid class strikingly similar to the Varnas system used in India.
The key difference between the Varnas and Plato’s ideal classes is that Plato didn’t have a lowest class on paper and his classes where non hereditary (people could choose a class early in life to fit their tastes). Another key difference from other class systems was that it was more focused on job than status. Also, unlike many societies, Plato’s ideal system made men and women equals. However, all this should be waited against the fact that Athens had a slave class and lower class and women weren’t equals in practice.
The Class System as an Overarching Metaphor
At first glance, especially with the lowest Dalits class considered, the caste system seems ridged and unfair… But give Plato’s Republic a read, and you can see why the general concept is less about a single culture and more about the different types of humans and jobs that need doing in a society.
With the negatives of a class system noted, I would go as far as to say that the class system works well as a metaphor for societies, politics, and even the human soul (in every case being a metaphor for the balance and moderation of different powers)… but this is no different than what Plato says, and perhaps this is the concept behind the Varnas in the first place.
Ultimately, I am of the opinion that major aspects of the left-right political system can be summarized by these four (or five if slavery is included) classes, as each relates back to an aspect of the human condition and general types of people.
Today we my frown on a class system, but looking deeper we might say: Whether social division occurs with capitalism, socialism, Indian culture, Islamic Mughals, Mongols, the Rus’, or what have you, a division of labor and related class system seems to be an underlying paradigm in most societies.
TIP: Learn more about Plato’s Republic and his class system, or see an explanation of the modern American class system (which is very similar but not purely based on birth).
TIP: See forms of government for definitions. See naturally occurring systems for more systems that seem to arise naturally in cultures.